【翻译】没有音乐的国度:1800年后对18世纪英国音乐的观点评述

◆ 作者:西蒙·弗莱明(Simon Fleming)

■ 出处:The land without music: some post-1800 perceptions of 18th-century British music. The Musical Times, Vol. 159, No. 1943 (Summer, 2018), pp. 95-100

▼ 译文:阿托7


即便到了21世纪的第二个十年,仍然有一部分人认为,从1695年珀塞尔去世到19世纪90年代埃尔加出现之间的这段时期是英国音乐史的“黑暗时代”。的确,谈起这两百年间的伟大作曲家,许多人都不会想到英国人,而只会想到那些日耳曼、意大利、法国或俄罗斯人。因此,我们的“古典”音乐教育主要就只关注这些国家;只有在个别特殊情况下,学生才会在大学之前就学到18或19世纪的英国本土作品。1I run a baroque ensemble at the sixth form college where I am employed; our repertoire includes music by Charles Avison, Thomas Arne, William Boyce, John Garth and Richard Mudge. However, the current A-Level course does not require the study of any British works composed in the period between Purcell and Elgar.尽管如此,人们对18世纪的英国音乐已经明显更感兴趣。由于先前Stanley Sadie、Roger Fiske、Charles Cudworth和Gerald Finzi等人的研究,以及随后的H. Diack Johnstone、Peter Holman和Nicholas Temperley等学者的工作,现在我们基本都已经认可了音乐在18世纪英国的流行性。近年来,这一领域的研究不断扩大,许多学生将此作为他们的硕士博士研究主题。然而,50年前的情况却大不相同: Johnstone决定研究莫里斯·格林(Maurice Greene)和与亨德尔同时代的英国作曲家,这在当时被认为是一个“古怪的选择”。2H. Diack Johnstone: ‘Preface and acknowledgements’, in The Blackwell history of music in Britain, vol.4: The eighteenth century (Oxford, 1990), p.xiii. Opinions on 18th-century British music have changed so much that by 1996 Peter Holman was able to argue ‘that England was the most musical country in Europe in the second half of the eighteenth century, judged by the amount of musical activity of all types’. See Peter Holman: ‘Eighteenth-century English music: past, present, future’, in David Wyn Jones, ed.: Music in eighteenth-century England (Aldershot, 2000), p. 3.

倘若向前追溯,时间越早,人们对英国音乐就越有成见;第一次世界大战开始之时,奥斯卡·施密茨(Oskar Schmitz)更是称英国为“没有音乐的国度”。3This book was reissued in an English translation by Hans Herzl as The land without music (London, 1926).然而,这种看法的起源其实远早于此。早在1814年,英国人的音乐素养就已经受到了质疑——人们通过寄给《评论家》(The Examiner)的一系列信件对此展开了辩论。这次争论的起因是,一位评论家认为清唱剧观众太少的原因是“这个民族没有音乐素养”。4The Examiner, 13 March, 22 May, 21 August, 11 September, 25 September, 16 October & 18 December 1814. The critic indicated that he had previously said that the English were not a musical people; this suggests that there may be even earlier references still to be discovered.到了1822年,当这一观点在《音乐季刊和评论》(The Quarterly Musical Magazine and Review)中提到时,它看上去似乎已经深入人心了。这篇文章的作者“Juvenis”认为,英国人其实是有音乐细胞的,但“这种能力更多体现于他们使用和本土化别国音乐时展现的品味,而对本国音乐则缺少兴趣和支持”。5The Quarterly Musical Maga1ine and Review vol.4 (1822), p.137.然而到了1881年,情况已经大大恶化。弗雷德里克·克劳斯特(Frederick Crowest)说,英国“在欧洲大陆眼中一直是个没有音乐素养的大国……没有音乐才华、创作,也没有鉴赏力”。6Frederick Crowest: Phases of musical England (London, 1881), p.vii.最终,这种错误看法在德国的宣传下达到了顶峰。但正如Temperley所言,在“没有音乐的国度”这一说法产生之时,其实已有大量证据能够驳斥它。例如,Temperley认为英国的民间音乐“在质量、种类和独特性上都与欧洲不相上下”。7Nicholas Temperley: ‘The land without music’, in The Musical Times vol. 116 no.1589 (1975), p.625.

历史上,确实曾有一些人试图反对这种观点,但整体而言没有什么影响。1835年,一位匿名的“音乐学生”在寄给《新月刊》(The New Monthly Magazine)的一封信中指出,英国人没有音乐素养的观念“由于经常重复,已经成了一个谚语”。他接着说,“令人惊讶的是,这个谬论一经提出,竟能维持如此之久,而且没人愿意揭穿它的真面目”。他举例描述了“过去一年(1834年)的音乐界大事……应该足以让这种无稽之谈烟消云散了”。8The New Monthly Magazine (1835), pp.145-46.1861年,另一位英国音乐的拥护者、牧师J. E. Cox则称英国人为“音乐民族”,并说“在这方面,英国……值得获得……与意大利和德国这些国家一样的赞誉”。他把这种误解归咎于那些到处传播这种谬论的人:“重复这种无礼的言论让无知和污名根深蒂固,这种说法不仅完全错误,而且也是那些宣扬它的人的耻辱。”9JE Cox: ‘English music’, in The St James’s Magazine vol.i (August-November 1861), pp.195 & 204.这种反对观点一直持续到20世纪。在1937年,作家“Play Bill”表达了他对这场争论的失望之情:

比起那些不断宣称英国人没有音乐素养的说法,没什么别的事情能让我更为厌烦。尽管专家和作家们都让英国人坚信自己没有一点音乐细胞,但我们对音乐活动的大力支持却让我怀疑,我们是否恰恰是世上最有音乐细胞的民族。10Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News, 4 June 1937.

尽管一些评论家认为这一坚挺的谬论源自国外,但也有一些外国名人欣赏英国的音乐才能。11Hereford Times, 23 August 1862. George Macfarren believed ‘that the prejudice against which English musicianship has to contend springs from domestic mistrust, more than foreign depreciation, of our native capacity to love and practise the art’. See GA Macfarren: ‘The English are not a musical people’, in The Cornhill Magazine vol.18 (1868), p. 344. Macfarren’s stance was rebuked by Charles Lunn in his The English are not a musical people: a paper on musicial education (Birmingham: Cornish Brothers, [1869]), an article that was justifiably rejected by the editor of The Cornhill Magazine.例如,生于德国的作曲家、指挥家朱利叶斯·本尼迪克特爵士(Sir Julius Benedict)说:“总体而言,英国人是世上最有音乐天赋的民族。”12Crowest: Phases, pp.vii-viii.在被问及他的意见时,德沃夏克说:“根据我对英国观众的经验,我只能说,不够热爱音乐的人很难坐住四个小时,从头到尾、聚精会神地看完一部清唱剧,而且显然还很享受这种体验。我也指挥过他们的乐队演奏我的作品,每次都会让我感到他们同样也是优秀的音乐家。”13Pall Mall Gazette, 13 October 1886.然而,包括德国诗人海涅在内的其他一些人,则对英国的音乐演奏评价极低。1840年,海涅写道:“这些人没有耳朵,也不懂节奏。因此,他们对于唱歌、弹琴的那种反常的热情就更加令人厌恶。世上没有什么东西比英国的音乐更可怕,除了英国的绘画。”14Quoted from Holman: ‘Eighteenth-century English music’, p.1. The original, written in French, was published in the Gazette d’Augsbourg and reprinted in Lutèce: Lettres sur la vie politique, artistique et sociale de la France (Paris, 1811); modern edition, Heinrich Heine: Säkularausgabe: Werke, Briefwechsel, Lebenszeugnisse, vol.19 (Berlin, 1977), p.71.

也许,对18世纪英国音乐的名声损害最大的,是两位音乐史学家查尔斯·伯尼(Charles Burney)和约翰·霍金斯爵士(Sir John Hawkins)的批评。许多19世纪的编辑都在他们的辞典和百科全书中摘录了伯尼和霍金斯的文字,很少考虑准确性,也不评估有无偏见。Finzi将人们对乔治王时代音乐的冷漠归咎于19世纪人,认为他们的判断“建立在不充分的知识和不透彻的理解之上”。他讨论了几位他认为受到忽视的作曲家,包括牧师作曲家威廉·费尔顿(William Felton),指出伯尼在1789年所说的话被重复了一整个世纪,甚至还出现在了1927年版的《格鲁夫音乐辞典》中。芬奇还推崇来自纽卡斯尔的查尔斯·艾维森(Charles Avison),称他是一位多产的作曲家,同时批评《牛津音乐史》没有论及他的音乐。15Gerald Finzi: ‘John Stanley (1713-1786)’, in Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association vol. 77 (1910), pp.63-64.

从19世纪到20世纪初,艾维森是所有18世纪地方音乐家中最知名的一位。尽管如此,对于他作为作曲家和作家的评价,人们还是有不少争论。一些人严厉批评他的音乐,但也有一些人对他相当尊重。但不可否认的是,无论是在他生前,还是在他死后的几十年间,他都一直是音乐会曲目的热门之选。

艾维森的协奏曲是他最为知名且备受赞誉的作品,但他死后的名声主要还要归功于一首改编作品。爱尔兰诗人托马斯·摩尔从他的一首协奏曲(Op.9,No.8)中借用了一段旋律,最终成为了“敲起手鼓”(Sound the loud timbrel)。虽然后世的人们对这部作品有爱有恨,但它始终与艾维森的名字密不可分,以至于音乐会节目单、赞美诗集和其它出版物几乎都把他列为作者。艾维森自己的音乐也从未被忽视过,他的作品是伦敦“古代音乐会”的常客。这些音乐会每年举行一次,演奏的作品均有不少于20年的历史。他的协奏曲(Op.4,No.4)经常被在这些音乐会中上演,还受到了文森特·诺维罗(Vincent Novello)的推崇。在整个19世纪的地方音乐会上,艾维森的协奏曲都有上演(通常以四重奏的形式)。1847年,在伯里举行的一场音乐会后,一位评论家认为“当晚最大的成就……是艾维森的四重奏——在音乐素养与和谐程度上,这位大师仅仅稍逊于他不朽的前辈科雷利。”16Bury and Norwich Post, 14 April 1847.即使在20世纪初,艾维森也很有名,英国作曲家协会以他的名字命名他们出版的系列作品。阿尔弗雷德·莫法特(Alfred Moffat)在1912年出版了艾维森的一首三重奏鸣曲(Op.1,No.5),随后沃洛克(Peter Warlock)在1930年出版了一首协奏曲(Op.6,No.8)。同样在20世纪30年代,艾维森的作品开始在音乐广播中出现。17Simon Fleming: ‘The myth of the forgotten composer: the posthumous reputation of Charles Avison ‘, in Early Music vol.44 no.1 (February 2016), pp.105-17.

艾维森绝不是唯一一个备受称赞的乔治王时期作曲家。小托马斯·林利(Thomas Linley Jr.)在格林斯索普城堡死于一场划船事故。在他死后很久,他的“莎士比亚魂灵颂”(Ode on the Spirits of Shakespeare)依然被人们铭记。尽管这部作品只在1776年演出过一次,而且从未出版,但1824年的一位作家说,“无论是珀塞尔还是莫扎特,都没有创作出哪部作品,能像这部迷人颂歌一样证明其作者的天赋……令人遗憾的是,这部杰出的作品当时并未被公之于众,这也确实奇怪。”18Gwilym Beechey: ‘Thomas Linley, Junior, 1756-1778’, in The Musical Quarterly vol. 54 no. 1 (January 1968), p.80.即使这部作品在当时已经失传,但该作中基于《暴风雨》而作的咏叹调“哦,快让你的精灵飞起来”(Oh, bid your faithful Ariel fly)却有众多版本留存,作为音乐会的宠儿在英国各地演出(包括在水晶宫)。19Belfast News-Letter, 2 December 1870; Manchester Courier, 9 December 1884; Lancaster Gazette, 20 December 1828; Isle of Wight Observer, 29 April 1876; Exmouth and Plymouth Gazette, 10 January 1891; Leeds Mercury, 13 December 1888; Bristol Mercury, 14 April 1891; Western Daily Press, 15 April 1884, 14 April 1891; London Daily News, 16 March 1891.

19世纪的音乐会上也能见到许多其他乔治王时代作曲家的通俗歌曲。当然,民族主义作品也不少见,如阿恩(Thomas Arne)的“统治吧!不列颠尼亚!”(Rule Britannia)经常与国歌一起演唱;利弗里奇(Richard Leveridge)的“老英格兰的烤牛肉”(The roast beef of old England)。20www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk (accessed 23 February 2018), passim.阿恩在音乐会上的代表作还有“平缓的埃文河”(Thou soft flowing Avon)和“疲惫的士兵”(The soldier tired),后者出自他的歌剧《阿尔塔薛西斯》(Artaxerxes)21Shrewsbury Chronicle, 22 July 1842; Daily Gazette for Middlesbrough, 1 March 1879; Morning Post, 11 November 1863; London Daily News, 1 July 1881; Leeds Times, 5 December 1885; Halifax Courier, 16 December 1899; Birmingham Daily Post, 7 May 1870; Nottinghamshire Guardian, 3 April 1856.,其序曲也很受欢迎。22Bucks Herald, 1 December 1849; Bolton Chronicle, 11 August 1846; The Era, 19 March 1865; Leighton Burrard Observer, 26 April 1870.这一时期表演的其它歌曲还有希尔德(William Shield)的《荆棘》(The thorn)23London Daily News, 1 July 1881; Derby Daily Telegraph, 12 February 1886; Liverpool Courier, 24 February 1870.、迪布丁(Charles Dibdin)的《汤姆·鲍林》(Tom Bowling)24Bucks Herald, 23 May 1885; St James’s Gazette, 9 August 1889.和詹姆斯·胡克(James Hook)的《里士满山的小姑娘》(The lass of Richmond Hill)。25Berkshire Chronicle, 13 January 1872.在19世纪,这些作品都很容易买到,既有单独成册,也可收入曲集。乔治王时期的歌曲经常在音乐会上出现,因而绝非无人知晓。然而,并不是所有人都欣赏这些作品——一位评论家称胡克的这首歌曲“粗俗、平庸”。26London Daily News, 9 January 1862.

更令人惊讶的是,即便是18世纪的大型作品(如舞台作品)也时有上演。阿恩的《阿尔塔薛西斯》重演过几次(如1820年在伦敦德鲁里巷剧院)。直到19世纪40年代中期,它还在伦敦和各地方剧院上演。27Morning Post, 6 April 1820; Hampshire Advertiser, 18 November 1843; Manchester Courier, 9 March 1844.1853年,该剧在都柏林皇家剧院的重演广受好评,于是在该季和次年再次上演。28The Advocate, 20 July 1853; Freeman’s journal, 27 July 1853 & 5 April 1854.1864年,斯托雷斯(Stephen Storace)的“不出力,不得食”(No song, no supper)在伦敦干草市场剧院(Haymarket Theatre)重新上演,“反响热烈”,评论家希望“能发掘更多被埋没的早期作品”。29The Era, 18 December 1864.随后,它被纳入英国歌剧院的演出剧目,在国内各地演出。30Bradford Observer, 7 February 1867; Sheffield Independent, 28 August 1867; Greenock Telegraph, 15 February 1870.这一时期上演的作品还有迪布丁的《水手》(The Waterman,可以说是维多利亚时代最受欢迎的乔治王时代舞台作品)和《贵格会教徒》(The Quaker)。31See www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk (accessed 23 February 2018), passim. See also the Bradford Observer, 7 February 1867; Dover Express, 28 April 1871; ED Mackerness: Somewhere further north: a history of music in Sheffield (Sheffield, 1974), p.44.这两部歌剧均于1869年在水晶宫演出,而且广受欢迎,一周后便又重演。对于首次演出,评论家写道:“剧中的名段为观众喜闻乐见;若用掌声来衡量成功的话,那么迪布丁的这两部歌剧可以说是大获全胜。”32Morning Advertiser, 12 November 1869.

尽管演奏18世纪的世俗作品可能招致嘲笑,但这类音乐往往会与更大型、更现代的剧目合而为一。像《水手》这样的大型作品经常被用作另一部歌剧的后奏,如贝里尼的《梦游女》或莫扎特的《唐·乔凡尼》;1895年,它又在马斯卡尼的《乡村骑士》之前上演。33Dundee Courier, 24 March 1870; Westmorland Gazette, 16 November 1867; North Devon Gazette, 23 December 1895. 然而,在维多利亚时代,宗教作品却并不会如此,因为乔治王时代的作曲家占主导地位。如 1873年,当斯坦福(Charles Villiers Stanford)被任命为三一学院的管风琴师时,他发现演奏曲目包括格林、纳雷斯(James Nares)、海斯(William Hayes)、惠特菲尔德(John Clarke-Whitfield)、巴蒂希尔(Jonathan Battishill)、特拉弗斯(John Travers)、凯尔威(Thomas Kelway)和博伊斯(William Boyce)的作品。34Jeremy Dibble: Charles Villiers Stanford: man and musician (Oxford, 2002), p.55.作为合唱团成员的斯坦纳(John Stainer)是在这些音乐的熏陶下长大的,但却对这类作品产生了强烈的反感。1872年,在他被任命为圣保罗教堂的管风琴师后,多数这类作品就被他从曲目中除去了。35Jeremy Dibble: John Stainer: a life in music (Woodbridge, 2007), pp.22-23 & 162—63.不过,包括诺维罗在内的其他一些人却很是欣赏这种音乐,还改编成了管风琴或钢琴伴奏的新版本。36Atlas, in The Musical Times and Singing Class Circular vol.3 no.52 (September 1848), pp.39-40.

据邦普斯(John Bumpus)说,在19世纪50年代,温彻斯特的管风琴师詹姆斯·肯特(James Kent)是最著名的赞美歌作曲家之一。37John Bumpus: A history of English cathedral music 1549-1889, 2 vols (London, [1908]), vol.2, p.281.他创作的“耶和华我们的父,以色列的神”(Blessed be Thou, Lord God of Israel)在1821年乔治四世的加冕典礼和1840年维多利亚女王的婚礼上被演唱。出版逾一个世纪后,这首赞美歌仍在圣保罗教堂使用。38Betty Matthews: ‘Winchester Cathedral and its music: the first 900 years’, in The Musical Times vol.120 no.1634 (April 1979), p.334.另一首肯特的赞美歌“求你留心听我的祷告”(Hear my prayer)是乔治四世的最爱,也在他和乔治三世的葬礼上唱过。尽管肯特很受欢迎,但也有一些人不喜欢他的音乐。例如,费洛斯(Edmund Fellowes)在第二次世界大战期间写道,他是“所有18世纪作曲家中最差劲的一个”。他接着说,肯特的音乐“现在早已被彻底遗忘了”。39Edmund Fellowes: English cathedral music from Edward VI to Edward VII (London, 1941; fourth edition, 1948), p. 190.费洛斯的这句话不应按照字面理解,因为在他写下这句话时,肯特的赞美歌当然没有被遗忘,一些地方还经常演奏。在费洛斯此作出版前的三年间,格洛斯特大教堂的唱诗班演唱了至少五首肯特的赞美歌,其中多数唱了不止一次。40Cheltenham Chronicle, 26 November 1938, 18 February 1939, 11 March 1939, 8 April 1939, 22 April 1939, 24 June 1939, 23 September 1939, 28 October 1939, 3 February 1940, IO February 1940, 16 March 1940, IO April 1940, 24 August 1940, 7 September 1940 & 12 October 1940. The five anthems are ‘Take heed unto me ‘, ‘Hear my Prayer’, ‘Thine O Lord’, ‘Blessed be Thou’ and ‘Give the Lord’. 事实上,在20世纪30年代,全国各地都在唱肯特的赞美歌,包括坎特伯雷和杜伦大教堂、利兹教区教堂、代萨特教堂(Dysart Barony Church)和薄荷街浸信会教堂(Mint Street Baptist Church)。41Whitstable Times, 29 July 1933; Yorkshire Post, 22 August 1935; Leeds Post, 16 September 1935; Fife Free Press, 2 February 1935; Lincolnshire Echo, 4 May 1935.

另一位赞美歌作曲家是埃克塞特的管风琴师威廉·杰克逊。1886年,詹姆斯·布朗写道,杰克逊的赞美歌,除了“F调感恩赞之外,都是很有价值的作品,但现在已很少演唱”。42James Brown: Biographical dictionary of musicians (London, 1886), p.343.然而,其他一些人则对他的音乐冷嘲热讽。1868年,《音乐时报》的一位作者认为,杰克逊的宗教作品已经“行将就木”。43[Anon]: ‘On cathedral services in general, and one by Mr. Henry Smart in particular’, in The Musical Times and Singing Class Circular vol. 13 no. 301 (March 1868), p.311.与肯特一样,这种说法并不意味着杰克逊的音乐已经完全被人遗忘。杰克逊的音乐在20世纪初还在埃克塞特之外的各地演唱。44Morning Post, 27 January 1900; Manchester Courier, 13 April 1901; Bath Chronicle, 8 April 1909; Western Times, 21 December 1901, 29 December 1919; Exeter and Plymouth Gazette, 19 November 1923.

当然,也有一些作者对这类音乐的看法比较中立。巴普蒂(David Baptie)在1877年写道,他认为虽然肯特和杰克逊的作品质量并不太高,但也不该受到如此严厉的批评。D. Baptie: ‘Kent’s Anthems, &c.’, in The Musical Times and Singing Class Circular vol.18 no.411 (May 1877), pp.238-39. 《格罗夫音乐辞典》第一版也持同样的观点,称肯特的赞美歌“被一些人追捧,又被另一些人诋毁,两者都不算客观”。45George Grove, ed.: A dictionary of music and musicians, 3 vols (London, 1879—90), vol.2, p.50.然而,最终还是批评的声音占了上风。即使在今天,这些音乐仍然不常演唱。

“没有音乐的国度”这一称呼的起源与18世纪的英国音乐并无关系。它最早出现在1814年,更多是在批评当时多数英国人的音乐品味,而不是认为他们没有音乐修养。然而,自从珀塞尔去世后,“英国是个音乐荒漠”的观点很快就传遍了各地。虽然有一些人试图挑战这些观点,但却几乎没有任何影响。最令人惊讶的是,在随后的两个世纪中,18世纪的英国音乐实际上被广泛演奏,甚至还受到一些人的大力推崇。尽管其它作品(特别是宗教作品)可能饱受批评,但从本文可以看出,一直都有充足的证据来反驳“没有音乐的国度”这一说法,然而直到最近,人们才得以逐渐摆脱这个古典音乐史上最大、最具破坏力的迷信。


注释

  • 1
    I run a baroque ensemble at the sixth form college where I am employed; our repertoire includes music by Charles Avison, Thomas Arne, William Boyce, John Garth and Richard Mudge. However, the current A-Level course does not require the study of any British works composed in the period between Purcell and Elgar.
  • 2
    H. Diack Johnstone: ‘Preface and acknowledgements’, in The Blackwell history of music in Britain, vol.4: The eighteenth century (Oxford, 1990), p.xiii. Opinions on 18th-century British music have changed so much that by 1996 Peter Holman was able to argue ‘that England was the most musical country in Europe in the second half of the eighteenth century, judged by the amount of musical activity of all types’. See Peter Holman: ‘Eighteenth-century English music: past, present, future’, in David Wyn Jones, ed.: Music in eighteenth-century England (Aldershot, 2000), p. 3.
  • 3
    This book was reissued in an English translation by Hans Herzl as The land without music (London, 1926).
  • 4
    The Examiner, 13 March, 22 May, 21 August, 11 September, 25 September, 16 October & 18 December 1814. The critic indicated that he had previously said that the English were not a musical people; this suggests that there may be even earlier references still to be discovered.
  • 5
    The Quarterly Musical Maga1ine and Review vol.4 (1822), p.137.
  • 6
    Frederick Crowest: Phases of musical England (London, 1881), p.vii.
  • 7
    Nicholas Temperley: ‘The land without music’, in The Musical Times vol. 116 no.1589 (1975), p.625.
  • 8
    The New Monthly Magazine (1835), pp.145-46.
  • 9
    JE Cox: ‘English music’, in The St James’s Magazine vol.i (August-November 1861), pp.195 & 204.
  • 10
    Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News, 4 June 1937.
  • 11
    Hereford Times, 23 August 1862. George Macfarren believed ‘that the prejudice against which English musicianship has to contend springs from domestic mistrust, more than foreign depreciation, of our native capacity to love and practise the art’. See GA Macfarren: ‘The English are not a musical people’, in The Cornhill Magazine vol.18 (1868), p. 344. Macfarren’s stance was rebuked by Charles Lunn in his The English are not a musical people: a paper on musicial education (Birmingham: Cornish Brothers, [1869]), an article that was justifiably rejected by the editor of The Cornhill Magazine.
  • 12
    Crowest: Phases, pp.vii-viii.
  • 13
    Pall Mall Gazette, 13 October 1886.
  • 14
    Quoted from Holman: ‘Eighteenth-century English music’, p.1. The original, written in French, was published in the Gazette d’Augsbourg and reprinted in Lutèce: Lettres sur la vie politique, artistique et sociale de la France (Paris, 1811); modern edition, Heinrich Heine: Säkularausgabe: Werke, Briefwechsel, Lebenszeugnisse, vol.19 (Berlin, 1977), p.71.
  • 15
    Gerald Finzi: ‘John Stanley (1713-1786)’, in Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association vol. 77 (1910), pp.63-64.
  • 16
    Bury and Norwich Post, 14 April 1847.
  • 17
    Simon Fleming: ‘The myth of the forgotten composer: the posthumous reputation of Charles Avison ‘, in Early Music vol.44 no.1 (February 2016), pp.105-17.
  • 18
    Gwilym Beechey: ‘Thomas Linley, Junior, 1756-1778’, in The Musical Quarterly vol. 54 no. 1 (January 1968), p.80.
  • 19
    Belfast News-Letter, 2 December 1870; Manchester Courier, 9 December 1884; Lancaster Gazette, 20 December 1828; Isle of Wight Observer, 29 April 1876; Exmouth and Plymouth Gazette, 10 January 1891; Leeds Mercury, 13 December 1888; Bristol Mercury, 14 April 1891; Western Daily Press, 15 April 1884, 14 April 1891; London Daily News, 16 March 1891.
  • 20
    www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk (accessed 23 February 2018), passim.
  • 21
    Shrewsbury Chronicle, 22 July 1842; Daily Gazette for Middlesbrough, 1 March 1879; Morning Post, 11 November 1863; London Daily News, 1 July 1881; Leeds Times, 5 December 1885; Halifax Courier, 16 December 1899; Birmingham Daily Post, 7 May 1870; Nottinghamshire Guardian, 3 April 1856.
  • 22
    Bucks Herald, 1 December 1849; Bolton Chronicle, 11 August 1846; The Era, 19 March 1865; Leighton Burrard Observer, 26 April 1870.
  • 23
    London Daily News, 1 July 1881; Derby Daily Telegraph, 12 February 1886; Liverpool Courier, 24 February 1870.
  • 24
    Bucks Herald, 23 May 1885; St James’s Gazette, 9 August 1889.
  • 25
    Berkshire Chronicle, 13 January 1872.
  • 26
    London Daily News, 9 January 1862.
  • 27
    Morning Post, 6 April 1820; Hampshire Advertiser, 18 November 1843; Manchester Courier, 9 March 1844.
  • 28
    The Advocate, 20 July 1853; Freeman’s journal, 27 July 1853 & 5 April 1854.
  • 29
    The Era, 18 December 1864.
  • 30
    Bradford Observer, 7 February 1867; Sheffield Independent, 28 August 1867; Greenock Telegraph, 15 February 1870.
  • 31
    See www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk (accessed 23 February 2018), passim. See also the Bradford Observer, 7 February 1867; Dover Express, 28 April 1871; ED Mackerness: Somewhere further north: a history of music in Sheffield (Sheffield, 1974), p.44
  • 32
    Morning Advertiser, 12 November 1869.
  • 33
    Dundee Courier, 24 March 1870; Westmorland Gazette, 16 November 1867; North Devon Gazette, 23 December 1895.
  • 34
    Jeremy Dibble: Charles Villiers Stanford: man and musician (Oxford, 2002), p.55.
  • 35
    Jeremy Dibble: John Stainer: a life in music (Woodbridge, 2007), pp.22-23 & 162—63.
  • 36
    Atlas, in The Musical Times and Singing Class Circular vol.3 no.52 (September 1848), pp.39-40.
  • 37
    John Bumpus: A history of English cathedral music 1549-1889, 2 vols (London, [1908]), vol.2, p.281.
  • 38
    Betty Matthews: ‘Winchester Cathedral and its music: the first 900 years’, in The Musical Times vol.120 no.1634 (April 1979), p.334.
  • 39
    Edmund Fellowes: English cathedral music from Edward VI to Edward VII (London, 1941; fourth edition, 1948), p. 190.
  • 40
    Cheltenham Chronicle, 26 November 1938, 18 February 1939, 11 March 1939, 8 April 1939, 22 April 1939, 24 June 1939, 23 September 1939, 28 October 1939, 3 February 1940, IO February 1940, 16 March 1940, IO April 1940, 24 August 1940, 7 September 1940 & 12 October 1940. The five anthems are ‘Take heed unto me ‘, ‘Hear my Prayer’, ‘Thine O Lord’, ‘Blessed be Thou’ and ‘Give the Lord’.
  • 41
    Whitstable Times, 29 July 1933; Yorkshire Post, 22 August 1935; Leeds Post, 16 September 1935; Fife Free Press, 2 February 1935; Lincolnshire Echo, 4 May 1935.
  • 42
    James Brown: Biographical dictionary of musicians (London, 1886), p.343.
  • 43
    [Anon]: ‘On cathedral services in general, and one by Mr. Henry Smart in particular’, in The Musical Times and Singing Class Circular vol. 13 no. 301 (March 1868), p.311.
  • 44
    Morning Post, 27 January 1900; Manchester Courier, 13 April 1901; Bath Chronicle, 8 April 1909; Western Times, 21 December 1901, 29 December 1919; Exeter and Plymouth Gazette, 19 November 1923.
  • 45
    George Grove, ed.: A dictionary of music and musicians, 3 vols (London, 1879—90), vol.2, p.50.

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